This report is relatively brief because the NEC made all the key decisions before conference, and because Covid finally caught up with me and I spent most of the week trying to keep up online from my hotel room.

I did manage the NEC meeting on Saturday evening before testing positive.  The rule changes had already been debated at length, and the NEC was now asked to group them for the purpose of card votes.  In 2016 this stage caused prolonged protests from the conference floor because adding Scottish and Welsh leaders to the NEC (which many delegates opposed) was bundled together with establishing the women’s conference (which everyone supported) in a single vote.

This year could have been just as heated.  The first grouping included renaming the Welsh Assembly to the Welsh Parliament (non-contentious) alongside restoring the one-year delay to CLP rule changes (contentious).   The second included increasing the number of trade union members at the Clause V manifesto meeting (fine) alongside convoluted wording around parliamentary selections (not fine).  The third had a single vote on limiting CLPs to a maximum of six delegates plus dropping one-member-one-vote for electing the conference arrangements committee CLP members.

The trade unions argued successfully for separate votes on two changes from the women’s organisation, where they were happy with enabling women’s officers to contact local women members but not with weighting CLP votes at women’s conference by the number of women in the CLP, rather than all members.  Indeed conference only just carried the latter change with 51.4% in favour, supported by 93% of CLP delegates but opposed by 90% of the unions.  I found this hard to understand as there was no suggestion that the trade union half of the electoral college should do likewise.

I asked if the other controversial changes could be similarly split into separate votes, but with no reaction from any side I gave up and went back to bed.  There wasn’t a peep from delegates either, as far as I could see, throughout the week.  A full list of the rule changes, and the card vote results, is here

On The Outside Looking In

It was surprisingly hard to follow proceedings remotely.  Back in 2018 the BBC parliament channel stopped screening party conferences, and Labour’s YouTube feed was poor quality and intermittent.  Keir Starmer’s opening tribute to Queen Elizabeth was not shown live, and coverage of some sessions started after the excitement of points of order.  I wondered if this was intentional, in case anyone misbehaved (they didn’t).  However while some recent conferences were best unwatched by anyone with a vote, this year came across as positive, unified and policy-rich, a genuine showcase for Labour as a government in waiting, and Keir Starmer delivered a cracking leader’s speech.  But there’s no point in magnificent displays if only a few hundred people are walking past the shop window.

Change is Gonna Come

For me the highlight was conference swinging behind electoral reform, including the statement that “Labour must make a commitment to introduce proportional representation for general elections in the next manifesto”, with over 100 CLPs again submitting motions on the subject.  In 2021 80% of CLPs supported PR, with most affiliates abstaining or opposed.  Since then campaigners had persuaded Unite and UNISON to come out in favour through hard work from the grassroots up, bringing motions from union branches to their national conferences, and this time the decision was so overwhelming that no card vote was needed.

Beyond the results Labour for a New Democracy, an umbrella grouping of pro-reform organisations, provides a model from which all campaigns can learn.  Support ranged across the political spectrum, from Momentum to prominent members of Labour2Win, and leaflets, stalls, social media and fringe events kept their profile high and positive.  And unlike some Left / Right battles, arguments were always made courteously and respectfully, relying on logic and persuasion, listening and responding to opposing views rather than shouting them down.  I believe the same attitude can help Labour to win the next election.

The ball is now in the leader’s court.  Tony Blair favoured reform, and commissioned the Jenkins report which maintained the constituency-MP link but added county-level top-ups so that parliament more closely reflected the overall vote.  But with a majority of 179 his own party would not let him proceed.  The late Robin Cook pointed out that parties in power never introduce PR because they have won under first-past-the-post, and when they lose power they become unable to do so.  Those at the sharp end of years of Tory cruelty will not forgive us if we let the opportunity slip a second time.

Please Leave a Message …

Among the points of order I sympathised with Durham’s request for a full report on the membership system.  A year after the cyber-incident functionality is still limited and volunteers spend countless hours helping individual members join or renew, and trying to construct lists for selection meetings and AGMs.  I regretted missing the meet-up for CLP secretaries, but those who attended found it extremely useful.  An informative email has followed, and several sessions for local role-holders are scheduled.

Actually it may have been better without me, as general secretary David Evans will have realised that I do not invent all the problems.  My spies at the regional reception report him as saying:  “I want to thank the NEC members from the south-east, especially the redoubtable Ann Black.  She makes my life harder but the party better.”  But the lives of both lay officers and paid staff are already hard, and if this is recognised we could do a better job of helping each other instead of shooting the messenger.

*** Stop Press *** CLP secretaries have just been informed that the party aims to reorganise English CLPs along new Westminster boundaries from “early in 2023”.  We have been warned …

Farewells

The NEC did not meet again until the handover on Tuesday evening.  Among those departing were Diana Holland, with 28 years’ continuous service and a champion for equalities throughout numerous upheavals, and Alice Perry, who chaired the NEC and conference with warmth and intelligence.  Alice deserves special kudos for inviting Sylvia Jones of the Rhondda to speak after receiving her merit award.  For the last 25 years award winners have only been allowed to pose and smile, and I hope we can return to learning from their wisdom and experience.  I shall also miss Andi Fox of the TSSA for her hard work and integrity, and Mish Rahman, Nadia Jama, Nick Forbes and Lara McNeill.  Johanna Baxter was elected as chair and James Asser as vice-chair, and I wish them, and the new NEC members, all success in the year ahead.

I had hoped to join by phone, but the line failed to connect and I missed the opportunity to say goodbye.  However there were no votes.  Very different from the same room six years earlier, where the late great Mary Turner was able to dial in and cast her final vote, and Glenis Willmott was elected chair by 18 votes to 17.  A technical failure then could have had significant political consequences.

Tolerance and Dissent

Many will know that one newly-elected NEC member was suspended just before conference.  Without commenting on the allegations, these should surely have been addressed before NEC ballots were issued and before results were calculated.  A number of other delegates were also suspended or expelled at the last minute.  I believe the general secretary’s assurance that the party no longer trawls members’ social media accounts, but there are clear signs of organised activity, and the definition of “support” for proscribed organisations goes well beyond the previous NEC consensus.  A growing number of thoroughly mainstream members ask me why local comrades are removed on the basis of a few old likes for obscure groups which never interfered with their ability to campaign for Labour victory.  I share their concern.

In Tony Blair’s time conference delegates were classified according to “reliability”, and persuaded to elect certain representatives and to vote in particular ways, but I do not recall wholesale exclusions.  When the NEC barred Liz Davies as the parliamentary candidate for Leeds North East in 1995 the decision went to a vote on the conference floor, with Clare Short urging her rejection.  In 1999 Liz and I stood for the NEC together on the centre-left grassroots alliance platform.  So I am worried when a current NEC member says:  “The job isn’t finished yet.  We need to follow through and shut that door on the hard left, where it can never be open again”.  Twenty-three years ago I would have been on the other side of that door.

There are now reports that a speaker against the motion on Ukraine has been suspended.   Angela Eagle, in the chair, reminded delegates that debate meant listening to all views, even those they disagreed with.  There may be more to it, but I was reminded of Walter Wolfgang’s ejection for heckling Jack Straw in 2005.   Opposing the Iraq war was not then an expellable offence.   As with Tony Blair, Keir Starmer’s authority is unchallenged while he is a winner and the Tories implode, but why store up bitterness for days when the polls may turn against us?

And Finally …

I promised to give a plug to Labour Coast & Country, who are establishing a network of Labour parish and town councillors with support from the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust.  This should be an invaluable resource for areas devoid of Labour representation at district or county level.  Please see here for more information.  Conference documents, including motions, reports from the NEC, the national policy forum and Stronger Together are at conference 2022 reports

A pdf version of this report is here.  As usual please feel free to circulate and/or post online, and comments and questions are welcome – contact me at annblack50@btinternet.com / 07956-637958.  Previous reports are at www.annblack.co.uk